The deceased US VP Dick Cheney, who has died at age 84, was regarded as among the most significant incumbents of the vice-presidency in the nation's history. Whereas countless VPs were limited to minor or symbolic roles, Cheney wielded enormous influence during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was commonly called as the "real president".
Bush disliked this portrayal and stated the relationship was more nuanced. He noted that Cheney was deferential, always calling him in official appearances as the President, while he called him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their partnership as a team because it suggested that they were peers. In spite of such protestations, Cheney viewed the relaxed president malleable on a wide array of governmental choices.
The Post-9/11 Era
In charge of a contingent of conservative hawks that encompassed Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in response to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been participating in a session at a school in Florida. While Bush made his way to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took command, commanding the downing of any non-communicating aircraft nearing the Capitol building.
Cheney said the attacks transformed him, making him become intent on retribution. Together with other conservative figures, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a takeover of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the military action of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Debated Actions
He voiced no apologies about the invasion, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, and not about the enhanced interrogation of individuals rounded up after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on inaccurate intelligence echoed by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It proved to be the correct action to do back then. I was convinced at the time and I maintain that stance today."
Yet even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a top tier about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own representatives to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I observed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, negligence, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, falsehoods, unfitness, and corruption."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq military action. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for similar measures. He had written a memorandum outlining situations in which US concerns might be threatened (encompassing "access to essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be positioned to act independently when collective action prove impossible," specifically citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had assumed the White House somewhat determined on carrying out what his predecessor had notably declined to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. After he had been sacked by the White House, the finance chief Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his plan of reducing America's participation in the regional tensions and mooted armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush bore a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been involved in a scheme to kill his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore objected to that one of the most prominent hotels in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his predecessor's countenance that everyone had to tread upon.
Interrogation Methods
However it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken advocating striking Iraq, repeatedly referencing intelligence reports that were both weak or totally deceptive. He endorsed what the Bush government politely called as "advanced techniques", the application of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Answering a Senate document in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney dismissed the report as "full of crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to take steps and put in place initiatives to apprehend the bastards who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That is precisely what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in nicknames given to him by opponents such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Am I the evil genius in the corner that nobody ever sees leave his domain? It's a advantageous way to operate, actually."
Commercial Ties
Debate over his corporate affiliations pursued him throughout his time as second-in-command. Although he had little experience in commerce but strong connections in defence, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum corporations, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was given US deals valued at billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his tenure at the company increased from his quarter-million dollars when he was defence secretary to $4.4m. When he departed in 2000 he had a severance arrangement valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
